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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sharon Madison County Miss—&lt;br /&gt;Dec 13&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; 1859—&lt;br /&gt;To His Excellency&lt;br /&gt;Gov= Pettus, Gov= State Miss&lt;br /&gt;Dear Sir&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have been requested to address you, in behalf of the Young men of our Town, and procure if possible, The Rifles and other necessary accoutrements, for a corps of Mounted Riflemen, numbering between Twenty five and Thirty&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We think, that the signs of times demand it, and that it is, the duty of the Legislature to enforce its military Laws or to encourage the formation of Volunteer Companies throughout the State: and more=over we think, that it is the duty of every Town, in the "Southern" States, that can boast of Twenty five young men, eligible to Military duties, to be forthwith supplied with arms and other appendages by the state, and be brought under military discipline—&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Then will [strikethrough]the[strikethrough] north see, and not until then, that there are hords of young men, who will take arms, to protect their "Southern" homes and firesides, against the encroachments of northern "fanatics", and abolishion incendiaries&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With many hopes, for your continual prosperity and happiness, I remain Your Obdt Servt
&lt;p&gt;Chas, C. Thornton&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Madison College&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;to be turned into Military Institute&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Vernon Madison Co Miss.&lt;br /&gt;January 6&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;" 1876.&lt;br /&gt;Hon Adelbert Ames.&lt;br /&gt;Governor of the State of Mississippi&lt;br /&gt;Jackson, Miss&lt;br /&gt;Governor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the night of January 4th, 1876, between the hours of 10 ^and^ 12 oclock P.M. a party of men shot into the house of Bailers Fairfax a colored man and ran the same Bailers Fairfax away from his premises, so that he is a refugee, the same was done on account of his Political Views he being a leading Republican threats have been made that leading Republicans can not live in this district, it Seems on the night of the shooting that several parties, (colored) saw the parties who done the shooting but are afraid to make an affidavit to that affect, I am a Magistrate and was Elected on the compromis ticket. I am a Republic and have always voted the Republican ticket was one of the executive committee that made the compromise with the understand-ing that all the colored voters should have a right to vote any ticket with out interfer[strikethrough]ing[strikethrough]ence or intimidation, their are a certain class of cit[strikethrough]t[strikethrough]izens in this district who are determined to run&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;off the leading Republicans, and since the &lt;/span&gt;Election&lt;span&gt; have kept up such intimidation that if not checked in time, may lead to something serious the colored people living in this district are peaceable and law abiding Citizens and I think their rights aught to be protected, I am an officer of the Law and will do all in off the leading Republicans, and since the Election have kept up such intimidation that if not checked in time, may lead to something serious the colored people living in this district are peaceable and law abiding Citizens and I think their rights aught to be protected, I am an officer of the Law and will do all in [strikethrough][unclear][strikethrough]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; my Power, [strikethrough]to[strikethrough]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; but I cannot see in what man-ner to proceed. their are but one or two more White Republicans in this district beside myself and I think it would be a hard matter for me to summons a forse to execute any loyal precept, for myself I have no fears of Molestation but the colored man are intimidated to such an extent that something must be done, and I write this to you asking for [strikethrough][unclear][strikethrough]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; advice, I know that the duties of my office and am able to perform the same, but when citizens are persecuted and their lives threatened on accout of political views, I think it needs protection from a higher power than a Justice^'s^&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; court, The party who done the shooting, are a class of people who will create a &lt;/span&gt;riot&lt;span&gt; of something is not done, they fired some 30 shots into the house and co[strikethrough]p[strikethrough]&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt;mpletely riddled the House with their Bullets. Bailers Fairfax escaped through the flooring and have gone I know not, He and several other colored men had rented the &lt;/span&gt;Finch Kearney Plantation&lt;span&gt; for this year. he had a crop of cotton and have not gathered the same several colored men have been threatened that they would be&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;Page 3:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;run out of the county by parties calling them self the Vernon Democratic Club. Tell me what steps to take in this matter as I am very anxious and wish to establish peace and Harmony in this Vicinity&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am Governor Very Respt—&lt;br /&gt;Your [obt.?] Sevt&lt;br /&gt;Mouk Joseph&lt;br /&gt;Justice of the Peace&lt;br /&gt;Dist. No 2&lt;br /&gt;Madison Co.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;P. S.&lt;br /&gt;I refer you to&lt;br /&gt;A. G Pocker?,&lt;br /&gt;F. B. Pratt,&lt;br /&gt;A Warner,&lt;br /&gt;R. J. Ross &amp;amp; others as to my Politicale views and truthfull statement in a case of this kind,&lt;br /&gt;M. Joseph,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 4:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Copy 119&lt;br /&gt;Executive Office.&lt;br /&gt;State of Miss&lt;br /&gt;Count of Madison&lt;br /&gt;From Mark Joseph J R&lt;br /&gt;[adrs?] Vernon&lt;br /&gt;dated Jany 6, 76&lt;br /&gt;Rec'd " 7, " "&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Subject&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Shooting into the house of a pronounced republican on a/c of his political opinions by a party of men known by several but afraid to tell who they are&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Adelbert Ames&lt;br /&gt;Gov&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;T Rhodes&lt;br /&gt;[Pri?] Secy</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Ames Collection. Letter from Mark Joseph of Vernon, Mississippi, to Mississippi Governor Adelbert Ames detailing the "Vernon Democratic Club's" attack of local African Americans and calling for state protection of African Americans.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Jackson Mississippi&lt;br /&gt;July 30th 1870&lt;br /&gt;L. M Hall, Esq,&lt;br /&gt;Chief of Secret Service Bureau&lt;br /&gt;State of Mississippi&lt;br /&gt;Jackson Miss&lt;br /&gt;Sir&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have the honor to submit for your information the follow-ing report together with the enclosed affadavits.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the night of the 18th of July I left Jackson, and arrived in Oxford, the County seat of Lafayette County [strikethrough]on[strikethrough] about noon of the 19th, next morning I went to the office of Mr C. N. Wilson, Circuit Clerk of the county and formerly Mayor of Oxford, from whom I recevied information which at once gave me clue as go ^whom were^ the perpetraters of the outrages mentioned in the inclosed affidavits [strikethrough][unclear][strikethrough]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After remaining in Oxford for two days I left for the plantation of Mr Thomas Woods, about 14 miles from Oxford, where I remained for seven days, in the meantime I so worked into the confid-ence of Mr Woods, and his son a young man about twenty years old that I had every hope of being able to break &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;the organization of the three Ks in said county had not a communication appeared ^in^ the Oxford Falcon to the following effect, Dame rumor has it that one of J. L. Alcorn's deliveries had been in town, from this I should judge what Mr Wilson the circuit clerk, or Mr Ford the chancery clerk, the only persons whom I [strikethrough]intrusted with[strikethrough] informed of my business there betrayed my confi dence, on the receipt of this news they appeared to get very shy of me, and although I done every thing ^in^ my power to make it appear that said [strikethrough]dective[strikethrough] detective was in search of me, they would not treat me as freely as before, seeing that my hopes of getting into the organization of the three K.'s would be a failure I deterimined to leave, although previous to this intelliengence in the paper Few Woods informed me that they would initiate [strikethrough]me on[strikethrough] ^me^ into the organization in a short time, and ^I^ had been introduced to leader of the organization who reside in that section of the County, in fact I had worked myself into their confidence so well that they even carried me to where a couple of them were running an illicit still, and endeavoured to persuade me to &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 3: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;remain in the county,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I still was on the best of terms with Few Woods, from whom I learned the names of the perpetrators of the outrages mentioned in enclosed affadavits after pumping the young scoundrel out of inform-ation I could, I asked him to accompany me to Oxford where we arrived about 9 Oclock P.M. after reaching town I gave him some money to go and buy some wine and other things in town telling ^him^ that as I was afraid of arrest I would not go in any place but told him to get those things and meet me on the road. after he left me I went to the house of Mr Wilson and requested him and Mr Mahon the former sheriff of the county to hide themselves under a certain bridge [strikethrough]and[strikethrough] on the road [strikethrough]and[strikethrough] so that they might hear the confession which I would draw out of young Woods. after seeing them I went up the road and met Woods returning we both went down the road and upon reaching the bridge we sat down and after plying him with the bottle I ^[strikethrough][unclear][strikethrough]drew^ him on to make the following statement, while on the bridge he acknowledged to being a memb^er^ of the three, K,s', and at the same &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 4: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;^time^ that he was in the gang that done the shooting on the Widow Watsons place and he named the following persons who were there with him, John Conkle, Mat Gouldsby and John &amp;amp; Kim Armstead he stated that when Mat Gouldsby was aiming his gun at one of the colored men he the colored man knocked him down and while struggling John Conkle shot him the colored in the back with a double barrelled shot gun, forty-seven buck shot entering into him, and that on the day preceeding the party who done the shooting went to Yokona about seven miles from the Widow Watsons place [strikethrough]so[strikethrough] thinking it would throw [strikethrough]persons[strikethrough] any person who would endeavor to investigate the matter of of their track, after drawing the above information from him we left the bridge and in going to the Raid Road Station I learned from him that N. B. Forrest, late Major General. C.S.A organized [strikethrough]that[strikethrough] the Klan in Lafayette County, they organized April 1867.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The uniform or disguise of the Klan is white with exception of the mask which ^is black and^ adhering very tightly to the features—[strikethrough]nothing has been done in the above[strikethrough] &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 5: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;5 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr Wilson [strikethrough]on the former[strikethrough] on the 17th of May [strikethrough]endeavored to[strikethrough]endeavored to investigate the affray at the Widow Watson place and was compelled ^to^ go out to the Widow Boones[?] place about half a mile from the Widow Watsons, to get the parties to appear and then but one of the three who were summond appeared. Joe Westbrooks, and he it seems is not a member of the organ-ization nor was he in this affair. nevertheless he is a bad character and it is my impresion that he is the murderer of four colored men who were killed at a store in Pine Bluff Arkansas in the year of 1868 [strikethrough]and if[strikethrough] at least it seemed to strike me that I had seen his discription before, and from him I learned that he did at one time live in that state but where I could not learn. I would [strikethrough]advise the opening of that[strikethrough] suggest that the Governor of that state be applied to for information. Nothing more was done in this case by the civil authorities, I did not inform the Sheriff of my discoveries. Nothing has been done as yet, Would suggest that the Sheriff be instructed to arrest Few Woods—&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 6: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;John Conkle, Mat Gouldsby, [strikethrough]and[strikethrough] John and Kim Armstead, Daniel McFarland, Edgar Kimmons, Sam Newell and Newt Lorantz Billy McFarland and William Brown, and that ^he^ be instructed to search the [strikethrough]premises[strikethrough] store of John Armstead well and there he will find some [strikethrough][unclear][strikethrough] disguises belonging to Few Woods, John &amp;amp; Kim Armstead, and others unknown, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In conclusion I would state that affairs in Lafayette, Co. are truly Comen-table, almost every young man in the county is a member of the organization or in sympathy with those who are in it, colored men dare not go to see their friends in the county during the night except at the risk of their lives, the Klan fear not, they say that if one of their member is arrested they will take him out of the hands of the officers, and of the militia are organized they will have more than half members of the organization who are sworn to assist them &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I close with the request that action be taken on those cases at once &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Very Respt &lt;br /&gt;J. J. Gainey &lt;br /&gt;&amp;amp;c Blank</text>
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                <text>Alcorn, J. L. (James Lusk), 1816-1894; Ku Klux Klan (19th century); Mississippi. Governor; Trials (Murder)</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Alcorn Collection. Letter from J. J. Gainey, agent of the Mississippi Secret Service, to L. M. Hall describing his investigation into attacks made by the Ku Klux Klan against African Americans in Lafayette County, Mississippi, including the confession of one of the Klansmen revealing the names of the perpetrators.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&#13;
&#13;
Aberdeen Miss.&#13;
June 14' 1870&#13;
To His Excellency&#13;
Governer J. L Alcorn&#13;
Dear Sir&#13;
&#13;
We whose names are hereunto subscribed must respectfully petition &amp; earnestly ask of your Excellency the appointment of O. H. Whitfield Esq to the office of Chanceller of this District—&#13;
&#13;
We who are among those that were his former servants have known him from his childhood—when we were his slaves he was always kind &amp; liberal to us [strikethrough][unlear][strikethrough]—and&#13;
&#13;
Page 2:&#13;
&#13;
since our freedom he has done all he could to secure to us our rights—we therefore must respectfully ask that our petition be granted,&#13;
&#13;
Isaac ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
William ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Henry ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Chas ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Gabriel ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Isaac ^his X mark^ Whitfield Jr&#13;
Jack ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Savage^his X mark^ Logan&#13;
Rollins ^his X mark^ Clay&#13;
Washington ^his X mark^ Clay&#13;
Jack ^his X Mark^ Halth&#13;
Calvin ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Alex ^his X mark^ Whitfield&#13;
Wash ^his X mark^ McAllister&#13;
&#13;
I certify that the above is true &amp; correct&#13;
M A Whitfield&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Alcorn Collection. Petition from people formerly enslaved by O. H. Whitfield to Mississippi Governor James L. Alcorn in support of the appointment of O. H. Whitfield to the Office of Chancellor of the Monroe County District. In the letters they claim to have known him from his childhood and that since they have been freed he has done all he can to help secure their rights.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&#13;
&#13;
Home Rankin County Miss.&#13;
March 19 th 1870&#13;
To His Exexllency&#13;
Gov. J. L. Alcorn&#13;
&#13;
This will be handed you by Thos. Eason a freedman one of my slaves in former days—He comes to ask of you a pardon for his sonwho was found guilty about four years ago of Horse Stealing in Warren Co. and was sent to the pentitentiary for the term of four years, his time is near out and his old father the bearer &amp; his mother want him to assist them in making a living. They were good obedient slaves and have been good freedman &amp; woman since their emancip^a^tion, the boy was but a youth when found guilty, he had left his parents and enlisted in the federal Army and before he could get home he was found guilty of lareceny, Tom is a good old negro and I think you could exercise your Executive Clemency in his sons favor without without compromising the principle of justice, the Convict was very young and ignorant with but little moral training as all negros are and as his term is very near out I would be glad indeed&#13;
&#13;
Page 2:&#13;
&#13;
that you would grant his request,&#13;
&#13;
With sentiments of profound regard am sir Yr Obt Servat&#13;
A, P, Miller,&#13;
&#13;
To His Excellency&#13;
Governer J L Alcorn&#13;
Jackson&#13;
Miss.&#13;
&#13;
Page 3:&#13;
&#13;
PRECIS.&#13;
&#13;
No._&#13;
&#13;
Executive Office,&#13;
State of Mississippi,&#13;
County of Rankin&#13;
&#13;
From A. P. Miller&#13;
Address Rankin County&#13;
Dated Mar 19th 1870&#13;
Received 19&#13;
Answered_&#13;
&#13;
Wishes you to Pardon Tom (a Colored man) who was put in jail for larceny&#13;
Application for Pardon&#13;
&#13;
James L. Alcorn,&#13;
Governor.&#13;
&#13;
H. F. Hewson,&#13;
Private Secretary.</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Alcorn Collection. Letter from A. P. Miller on behalf of Thomas Easom, a freedman who he formerly enslaved, to Mississippi Governor James L. Alcorn seeking a pardon for his son who was convicted at a young age of larveny and sentenced to four years incarceration.</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&#13;
&#13;
Clinton Miss.&#13;
Oct, 11th 1865&#13;
To his Excellency&#13;
Go,r W, L, Sharkey&#13;
Respected Sir&#13;
&#13;
A case between an Employer &amp; an employee came before my court on Monday last, where a verbal contract was clearly proven between the parties, the freed man agreeing to work from 1st June to the 25 decmr at 10$ per month, &amp; it was proven that said freedman violated his contract without just cause, leaving, as he acknowledged, because he was told by the military authorities that he ^could^ work where he pleased without regard to contract unless it were a written one, I decided that he should return to his employer &amp; finish his contract, he openly refused to do so, and I placed him and the hands of the sheriff with a mittimus commanding him to deliver said freedman to the custody of his employer at [loss?] Gap on the T.R.R. the place where he had contracted to work, he then consented to go &amp; was released, &amp; instead of going as he promised, he went to Jackson. &amp; reported to the Provost Marshal &amp; returned with a letter directed to me asking for information &amp;c&#13;
&#13;
My reason for troubling your Excellency with this note is, to find out from you if I have acted according to law &amp; whether I have the power to have the freedman returned to his Employer&#13;
&#13;
I would have presented myself in person to get the necessisary information but a [press?] of business prevents my doing so. Very respectfully &amp;c&#13;
&#13;
J, B, Greaves Mayor&#13;
of Clinton Miss.&#13;
&#13;
Page 2:&#13;
&#13;
Go,r Sharkey&#13;
Jackson&#13;
Miss</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Sharkey Collection. Letter from J.B. Greaves, mayor of Clinton, Mississippi, to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey concerning a court involving a freedman who refused to honor a verbal contract with a planter.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Office of Act'g Ass't Commissioner Freedmen's Bureau,&#13;
FOR NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,&#13;
Jackson, Miss. October 3d 1865&#13;
His Ecxellency&#13;
William L. Sharkey&#13;
Provisional Gov'r of Miss,&#13;
Sir,&#13;
&#13;
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipts of your communication in relative to J, G, Thigpen and C, W, Allen, charged with killing a negro, I know nothing concerning this arrest, except that the Freedmen's Bureau is not connected with it in any way, I learn that the above named parties were ar-rested by the commanding officer at Canton The arrangement made between yourself and Col. Thomas, shall, as far as lies in my power, be strictly adhered to.&#13;
&#13;
I have the honor to be, Governor&#13;
Very respectfully your obt. servant&#13;
R. S. Donaldson Lt. Col.&#13;
Actg. Asst. Commissioner</text>
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                <text>Freedmen.; Mississippi. Governor; Sharkey, William Lewis, 1798-1873; Trials (Murder); United States. Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands.</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Sharkey Collection. Letter from Lieutenant Colonel R. S. Donaldson, Assistant Commissioner of the Freedman's Bureau, to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey concerning J.G. Thygpen and C.W. Allen, who are charged with killing an African American.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Received of Lambert Moore Eighteen Dollars &amp;amp; Twenty five cents Revenue Tax on three hundred and sixty five Dollars profits made during the war imposed by Wm L. Sharkey Povn&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;r&lt;/span&gt;" Govr of Miss Septr 28th 1865 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;J. R. M Carroll Shiff &lt;br /&gt;By Jno. D. Finell &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To His Excellency, W. L. Sharkey Governor of the state of Miss= &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Your petitioner Lambert Moore (colored) by his Attorneys respectfully shows, that as evidenced by the enclosed receipt of Jonathan R. McCarroll sheriff of Marshall County he has paid off &amp;amp; discharged the sum of eighteen 25/100 dollars, the same being stated in said receipt as "revenue tax on three hundred &amp;amp; sixty five dollars proffits made during the war" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Petitioner shows that during the war he paid owner Austin Moore regularly a certain sum for hire, and continued said payments, untill informed by said owner that he must discontinue the same— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He states that the said sum of three Hundred &amp;amp; Sixty five dollars proffits were made by his individual industry, while engaged in working for his owner, and paying him regular hire, and he submits the question to your Excellency whether or not he should have been required to pay the taxes assessed upon him when he was the slave of the said Moore. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He therefore prays your Excellency that the said Jno R. McCarroll Sheriff of Marshall County be ordered to refund to petitioner the said sum of eighteen 25/100 dollars the sum paid as above stated. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Respectfuly submitted &lt;br /&gt;Featherston Harris &amp;amp; Watson Attorys &lt;br /&gt;for Lambert Moore— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I Austin Moore certify that the above statement so far as as the same relates to Lambert Moore having paid me amount of hire is true. given this day of September 1865— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Austin E. Moore &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I Jno R McCarroll Sheriff of Marshall County certify that Austin E Moore whose genuine signature is appended to above certificate is a planter in this county of credibility and full faith &amp;amp; reliance should be given to his statement. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;J R McCarroll, Sff &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 3: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Holly Springs— &lt;br /&gt;App of Lambert Moore (Cold) for petition of revenue Tax. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Remit</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Office Act'g Ass't Commissioner &lt;br /&gt;Freedmen's Bureau, &lt;br /&gt;For Northern District of Mississippi, &lt;br /&gt;Jackson Miss. &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Sept. 23"—&lt;/span&gt; 1865 &lt;br /&gt;His Excellency W. L. Sharkey &lt;br /&gt;Provisional Governor &lt;br /&gt;State of Mississippi &lt;br /&gt;Sir, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of this, date and in compliance with your request I enclose Cir-cular No, 13, from Gen'l. O. O. Howard Commisioner Bureau of Refugees, Freedman &amp;amp; Abandoned Lands with an extract from a letter of instructions from Col. Sam'l, Thomas Asst. Commisioner for State of Mississippi. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In pursuance with the institructions inclosed the property referred to was siezed as abandoned Land, Gen'l. R. O. Edwards, owner, being absent therefrom. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Carsons was offically notified of the siezure on the 15&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;th&lt;/span&gt; day of August 1865. and did not, at that time, claim any control over the property, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;No application has been recieved at this office for the restoration of the property, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am &lt;br /&gt;Very Respectfully &lt;br /&gt;R, S, Donaldson Leiut Col &lt;br /&gt;Act Asst. Com'r, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 3: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Office Act. Ass't Com'r Freedman's Bureau &lt;br /&gt;for Northern District of Mississippi &lt;br /&gt;JACKSON, MISS &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Sept. 23d&lt;/span&gt; 1865 &lt;br /&gt;DONALDSON, LIET. COL., R. S., &lt;br /&gt;Acting Assistant Commisioner, &lt;br /&gt;Northern District of Mississippi &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 4: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Office Ass't. Comr. Bureau Refugees Freedman and Abandoned Lands for state of Miss. &lt;br /&gt;Vicksburg Miss. July 19th 1865. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Extract&lt;/span&gt;) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All houses, tenements and lands, belonging to Rebels who are excepted by the Presidents Amnesty proclamation, and who have not obtained pardon, must be siezed by you. The houses should be rented by you from month to month at any rate you may think proper. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(Signed) Sam'l. Thomas, &lt;br /&gt;Col. &amp;amp; Asst. Com. Bureau for Miss. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Official: &lt;br /&gt;R, S, Donaldson &lt;br /&gt;Ac't, Ass't. Commissioner</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Choctaw Agency Miss &lt;br /&gt;Oktibbeha County Sept 21 st 65 &lt;br /&gt;Hon' W L Sharkey &lt;br /&gt;Provisional Gov. Miss. &lt;br /&gt;Dear Sir— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I among a great many others of my neighborhood [strikethrough]are[strikethrough] am desirous, of forming a militia company in this county. We are law abiding men and do not wish to do any thing inconstent with our present position, but beleiving that ourselves and our wi[strikethrough]f[strikethrough]ves and children will not be safe, unless something be done to re-strain and check the passions and prejudi-ces of the negro population, I address you this letter of inquiry on the subject—We wish to form a Company, subject to such directions as you may order, We wish our duty defined, beyond which we will not go. but will try to &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;toe&lt;/span&gt; the mark,—for God knows unless wise counsel and wise legisla-tion &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;prev&lt;/span&gt;ail we will surely have a ruin-ed country &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Respectfully, &lt;br /&gt;J. L. Crigler &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Available at Crawfordville &lt;br /&gt;Miss. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;J L Crigler &lt;br /&gt;wants to form a militia company</text>
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                <text>Letter from J.L. Crigler to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey; September 21, 1865</text>
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                <text>Mississippi. Governor; Mississippi. Militia; Sharkey, William Lewis, 1798-1873</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Sharkey Collection. Letter from J.L. Crigler to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey asking permission to form a local militia company to protect citizens from the local African American population.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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