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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;South-Western Telegraph Company. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Columbus Miss Nov 29th 1863. &lt;br /&gt;By Telegraph from Richmond 28th 1863. &lt;br /&gt;To Gov Chas Clark &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Your telegram of yesterday recd mine to you of 18th Inst explained the policy &amp;amp; instructions of the govt in relation to negro men about to be conscripted by the enemy for service in their army. The action of the Legislature, which you communicated, viewed with the deference which I feel for that body, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;8 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;6&lt;/span&gt; &lt;br /&gt;522 &lt;br /&gt;100 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;leads ^me^ to revoke the instructions given, &amp;amp; as we concur in the object to be attained, I have to ask, that such action be taken by the State govt, as will better secure the end intended by the instructions I had given, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Jeffn Davis &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;97 pd &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Jeff Davis &lt;br /&gt;Nov 28 1863</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bolivar County—Nov 25 &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;" 1863— &lt;br /&gt;Chas, Clark Gov &amp;amp; Com&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;dr&lt;/span&gt; in chief State Troops &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In accordance with verbal instructions rec&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;d&lt;/span&gt;" from Gov Pettus I have been reporting as scouts to the comdr of Confederate Cavelry in this State as often as practicable, besides making Monthly reports to the Gov—My greatest difficulty has been in procuring ammunition, I have made two requisitions &amp;amp; failed each time—I have some trouble in mounting my men, I could have my numbers increased If I had the means of mounting them, I applied for orders to press horses, but the orders were not granted, I sup-pose for good reasons—Would it be just for orders to be issued me, to take all the horses and mules of persons going aboard of Federal Boats without a Flag of truce—2 hourses &amp;amp; 2 mules were brought into camp by my scouts, taken from Persons who had gone on a Trading Boat up to the Feral post at the mouth of white River—I have released all of them, but one, &amp;amp; will release that one until I hear from you, If entitled ^to^ them, send orders to that effect, there is no way of stopping the Trade &amp;amp; communication with the Enemy Gun Boats except by pursuing This course, arresting the parties &amp;amp; sending them to H&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;d&lt;/span&gt; Qrs &amp;amp; burning all the cotton in the county except enough for spinning purposes—I have information that some persons are preparing to ship corn to Memphis—Is anything to be done with the parties who have taken the oath—or travel in The enemies Boats without passes from Confederate authority &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I captured 5 negros from Island 75 near Lake Bolivar Three of Them belong to Mr. Humphreys, 1 to R.R. Estelle &amp;amp; 1 to Mrs Manly, one of The negros was armed, They were engaged in tearing down The houses [strikethrough] of [strikethrough] on Genl. Vicks Place &amp;amp; boating The lumber to the Island, where Milford Coe has established a wood yard &amp;amp; is collecting all The negros he can—He has with an armed band of negros several Times vis^i^ted M&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;r&lt;/span&gt; Estells place at night &amp;amp; taken whatever he wanted Coe with his negros &amp;amp; The crew of The Gun Boat Connestoga went out Wm Sillers?' place a few days ago &amp;amp; took his overseer Ayers prisoner &amp;amp; Willis The overseer on one The Humphreys places &amp;amp; did other damage, I went down to the i^n^tercept them, but they did not return on the road I expected them—Col Curry of the Marine Brigade Burned by house, Smoke house kitchen &amp;amp; c &amp;amp; my Gin House The quarters were not injured nor my cribs—he had some of the furniture removed, also some of the Bed clothes, But the negros &amp;amp; his soldiers stole more Than half of what was removed from the house—He acted Brutally &amp;amp; cowardly—The cause I am told was becasue I had The Allen Collier burned which contained a cargo belonging to Vance &amp;amp; Top—Top is running on a Cotton Boat—Mrs Clark applied to him for some groceries as hers &amp;amp; Marys had been burned, agreeing to credit it on his notes he refused, to but said he would pay in The money you helped to make—Your Taxes have been paid—I presume you have heard that Judge shall [?] &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 3: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;had been burned out &amp;amp; his family turned out of doors—It is said by a band of 300 armed negros, I Think how-ever that it must have been [strikethrough] a [strikethrough] Currys gang of Thieves [blacked?]—It looks hard to me, to see people taking the oath and placing themselves under the protection of the Yankees &amp;amp; living in plenty, when those who are true to the country have to be burned out &amp;amp; their fam-ilies to suffer—I rec&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;d&lt;/span&gt;" orders from Col. McGuirk to [strikethrough] unite my compan [strikethrough] report with my compy to him, the orders were from Genl. Gholson or George—I did not obey the order—because you are the only one having any control over the company—Whenever you order The company out or to unite with any Regiment, I will endeaver to carry out the order— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;W. E. Montgomery Capt Comdg &lt;br /&gt;Herndon Rangers— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mrs. Clark, Mary, Emma &amp;amp; The children are well—Prick &amp;amp; Charley have been sick, but are—Mrs C. &amp;amp; Mary are living in The Loom house, they have had another small room put up and are doing tolerably comfortable considering everything. Mary Told Curry he would have burn again as she [wnted?] to live at home as long as she could—She put the Loom house out after they set it on fire—We have some salt &amp;amp; hope we will have enough to save meat plinty—Some of The negros acted badly—Mrs. C. will write to you &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;W. E Montgomery &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 4: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reporting &lt;br /&gt;Capt. W E Montgomery &lt;br /&gt;"Herndon Rangers"</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Clark Collection. Letter from Captain W.E. Montgomery of the Herndon Rangers to Mississippi Governor Charles Clark concerning alleged raids being made by armed African Americans led by Milford Coe.</text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Page 1:&#13;
&#13;
Columbia Marion co Miss,&#13;
June 6th /62&#13;
His Excellency Gov. Pettus&#13;
Jackson Miss.&#13;
Governer&#13;
&#13;
There is greatly needed in this county a company of mounted rangers 1st" to keep The negroes in awe—who are getting quite impudent, our proximity to The enemy has had a perceptible import-ence upon them—2 To restrain disaf-fected citizens who I am sorry to say are too numerous—3 To aid in returning to the service furloughed soldiers where time has expired but who refuse to report themselves to their respective commands—This lost class is getting to be numerous and there seeing at present To be no efficient remedy for the evil—&#13;
&#13;
Now without vanity I am the man to get the company up—I have four sons in the army the youngest only sixteen also a son-inlaw &amp; fifteen nephews—I am a cotton factor (I might have added[ex.) of the firm of Applewhite bros. &amp; co. for N.Orleans—have retired to This my native county, with a wife and five little ones from the storm of war and would like to be useful to my country in her&#13;
&#13;
Page 2:&#13;
&#13;
Time of trial—(I am partially deaf, and fifty, so that I would not be rec,d in the regular service)&#13;
&#13;
Now if I had a commission and author-ity to raise a company say of twenty or thirty, not subject to conscription, to arm and equip themselves and range from the Jackson R. road to Pearl river I think the thing could be easily done and I could thereby render my country some service&#13;
&#13;
Yours Truly&#13;
&#13;
Isaac Applewhite&#13;
&#13;
Raise the Compa-ny and is will be Recvd &amp; when in active service will recvd pay &amp; rations, as in Confd service&#13;
&#13;
Answered&#13;
June 18th/62—</text>
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                <text>Letter from Isaac Applewhite to Mississippi Governor John J. Pettus; June 6, 1862</text>
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                <text>Military police; Mississippi. Governor; Pettus, John Jones, 1813-1867; United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--African Americans</text>
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                <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Pettus Collection. Letter from Columbia, Mississippi, concerning the need for mounted rangers to police local African Americans and disaffected citizens. </text>
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                <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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                  <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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